Gentrification
Gentrification (More specifically,
Urban Gentrification) is a process in which low-cost, physically deteriorated neighborhoods experience physical renovation and an increase in property values, along with an influx of wealthier residents who displace the neighborhood's original inhabitants.
The results of gentrification are a source of academic and political contention. Rising property values can be a major benefit to landowners. They can also boost local tax property revenue, which can improve services for all residents. This, along with the related boost to the local economy, can improve crime rates, reduce unemployment, and clean up
blighted regions. Resulting rent increases and reduced supply of low-cost rental housing can displace lower-income and working class residents—often including members of minority groups. The extent of this displacement is often disputed, as is the offset of benefits like new jobs and expanded public services.
Sociologist Ruth Glass coined the term in
1964, which she defined using
London districts such as
Islington as her example:
One by one, many of the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle-classes—upper and lower. Shabby, modest mews and cottages—two rooms up and two down—have been taken over, when their leases have expired, and have become elegant, expensive residences [...]. Once this process of 'gentrification' starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working-class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed.Gentrification can be a
politically contentious issue. It highlights the instability of renting: people might be forced to move away from newly-desirable areas because the landlords increase rents. Usually this conflict is limited to the local level; many who live outside urban areas may not be aware of it.
Property owners can also feel the effects of gentrification through increases in
property taxes. Property taxes are typically based on a percentage of a property's assessed value. As property values increase in a given neighborhood, municipalities will typically reassess the values of properties within gentrifying communities resulting in higher property taxes for the neighborhood's long-term owners. If the owner cannot afford the tax increases, they are forced to sell (or, if they own a multi-family dwelling, they may pass the increases on to tenants in the form of higher rents). When the owner sells, it is at a large premium to the buying price if gentrification has occurred, so the phenomenon generally enriches the previous landowners.
Gentrification can integrate the positives of the old neighborhood with the positives of the new residents of the area. Positive gentrification is a precarious balance between the newer wealthier residents and the older, poorer residents of the neighborhood. Utilizing many community revitalization tools such as community input, community engagement, and interaction during the revitalization process can minimize many of the negative effects of gentrification.
Demographically, gentrification can have many effects depending on the form it takes. Rising per-capita income, increasing numbers of residents with high education or occupational status, declining household size, declining vacancy rates, and new investment in housing construction are potential indicators of gentrification that will show up in official statistics. Population gain, changing racial or ethnic composition, and changes in household income are not necessarily indicative of gentrification.
Urban renewal
The most simplistic reasons for gentrification may be that post-
baby boomer professionals and/or their
empty nester parents, having realized the business potential, beauty, and convenience of centralized locales in
city centers, re-awaken to the reason they were built in the first place. A
river, a
lake, important
architecture, or some historical significance spurs the draw. Many times choosing to "reclaim" the neighborhood of their youth, the romanticism of the
New Urbanist may be more or less socially driven.
If a depressed urban area has a bustling
transportation hub,
pedestrian accessibility and social interaction may be considered more desirable than the
sprawl of the average
suburban community. Meant primarily to discourage "undesirable elements," suburbs have in most cases produced a car-dependent lifestyle (since nothing except other houses are within easy walking distance.) This encourages more
energy consumption, social
isolationism, and physical inactivity.
For the average urban working-class renter,
buses and
trains are vital to their livelihood. The ideal is different for the wealthy newcomers, who like the advantage of a car for longer commutes, but walk or use public transportation when travelling to the closer shops, cafes, and boutiques.
Production-side theory
Early explanations of gentrification saw a conflict between
production-side and
consumption-side arguments. The
production-side argument, which is associated primarily with the work of
geographer Neil Smith, explains gentrification through
economics and the relationships between flows of
capital and the production of
urban space. Smith argued that low rents on the urban periphery during the two decades after
World War II led to a continuous movement of capital toward the development of
suburban areas. This caused a '
devaluation' of inner-city
capital, resulting in the substantial abandonment of inner-city properties in favour of those in the periphery, and a consequent fall in the price of inner-city land relative to rising land prices in the suburbs. From this, Smith put forth his
rent-gap theory, which describes the disparity between "the actual capitalized ground rent (land value) of a plot of land given its present use and the potential ground rent that might be gleaned under a 'higher and better' use" (Smith, 1987b, p. 462).
Smith believed that the rent-gap theory was the fundamental explanation for the process of gentrification. He argued that when the rent-gap was wide enough,
developers,
landlords, and other people with a vested interest in the development of land would see the potential
profit to be had in reinvesting in abandoned inner-city properties and redeveloping them for new inhabitants. Such redevelopment effectively closes the rent-gap and leads to a higher and better use of the land.
The de-
industrialization of the inner-city is seen as a prerequisite, precipitating a decline in the number of
blue-collar jobs available for the urban
working class and thus a loss of investment capital available to maintain the physical stock of urban neighborhoods. De-industrialization is often coupled with the
growth of a divided
white collar employment sector, one part of which is engaged in
professional/
managerial positions which follow the spatial centralization of capital. This is a product of
corporations requiring spatial proximity to reduce decision-making time.
Consumption-side theory
The
consumption-side theory, on the other hand, has gained more force as an explanation for gentrification. Supporters of this argument generally view the characteristics of gentrifiers themselves to be of greater importance in the understanding of gentrification. The post-industrial city, as defined in the
Dictionary of Human Geography, is one with an "employment profile focused on advanced services…, [with a] profile that is materialized in a downtown skyline of office towers, arts and leisure sites, and political institutions. Its middle-class ambiance may be reflected in a distinctive politics charged with a responsible social ethos…the demand for more amenities, for greater beauty and a better quality of life in the arrangement of our cities" (616).
David Ley has been one of the foremost thinkers in purporting this idea of a city that is becoming more and more influenced by the emerging "new
middle class." Ley defines as a subset of this sector a "cultural new class," made up of artists, cultural professionals, teachers, and other professionals outside of the private sector (1994, 56). And, although not particularly dwelt upon in Ley's articles, these are the first stage gentrifiers who prepare the way for the embourgeoisment of the inner city (and, in effect, the more conservative politics) that often follows themâ€"conservative politics which often lead to decreased funding for affordable housing, stricter laws dealing with the homeless and other people affected negatively by their original displacement by the creative class. This sentiment can also be found in Zukin's "second-wave" observations in the artist's lofts in Manhattan, who, when her building went "co-op" in 1979, "bade good-bye to the manufacturers, an artist, and several residents who could not afford the market prices at which our lofts were sold," residents who were replaced by lawyers and accountants, retailers and investment bankers (1989, xiv). This same process can be seen still today, as "artists move into otherwise undesirable buildings, usually make significant improvements to their spaces and their surrounding areas. Everyone benefits from these tenuous and uneasy…arrangements. Then landlords, suddenly aware that they are sitting on gold mines, rush to cash in" (Cash 2001, 39).
Whereas Smith and other Marxists often take a structural approach in their explanations of gentrification, Ley's work instead frames gentrification as a natural outgrowth of the rise of professional employment in the CBD and the predilection of the creative class to an urbane urban lifestyle. Ley, when studying this class through case studies of Canadian cities, concentrates instead on the diversity of this class, especially the liberal ideas that often find voice in its politics (see Ley's 1980 article "Liberal Ideology and the Post-Industrial City" which describes then deconstructs the TEAM committee's strive to make Vancouver a "livable city"). Ley's work, and that of Rose, Beauregard, Mullins, Moore, and others who have built upon Ley's theories by arguing that "gentrifiers and their social and cultural characteristics was of crucial importance for an understanding of gentrification," has been criticized by Hamnett, however, as not going far enough, and not incorporating the "supply of dwellings and the role of developers/speculators in the process" (Hamnett 1991, 186, 187).
Globalization
A concept that has received much consideration is the idea of
globalization and the city's role in this new economic environment, where urban centers are ranked by their ability to function in a climate where national borders are becoming less and less important.
Academics have studied these de-industrialized "global cities," trying to both characterize them theoretically and empirically. John Friedman, who laid down a hypothetical framework on which to build a study of global cities, used as one of the components to his seven part theory the emergence of a bifurcated
service industry in major cites, which is comprised of "on the one hand, a high percentage of professionals specialized in control functions and, on the other, a vast army of low-skilled workers engaged in … personal services … [that] cater to the privileged classes for those whose sake the world city primarily exists" (1986, 322). That the last three components of his theory deals with the increased
immigration to fill this demand, the class and spatial polarization that results from this, and the inability of the global city to deal with these rapidly growing "social costs" is no mistake (1986, 323-328). Friedman places his vision of the global city squarely in a
class context, a context that has been expanded on by
Sassen and others. This polarization inherent in increasingly global cities can illuminate the theory that concerns itself specifically with the causes of gentrification. Indeed, a 2006 analysis found increased spatial polarization (
segregation) by income across U.S. metropolitan areas, with middle-income neighborhoods in decline relative to low- and high-income areas (Booza et al 2006).
Gentrification cannot be separated from the
economic climate in which it occurs. The advent of the
new economy outlined above has led to substantial growth and centralization of high-level work in producer services: a "new urban economic core of
banking and service activities that comes to replace the older, typically
manufacturing oriented, core" (Sassen 1995, 65). This new core sees older, middle-class
retailers "replaced by upmarket boutiques and restaurants catering to new high-income urban elites" (Sassen 1995, 66).
Demographic shifts
The emergence of a '
service-class', that is, a group of people—generally between the ages of 25 and 35—with a high disposable income and service-oriented jobs in the urban core that they want to be close to, is one of the primary tenets of the consumption-side theory of gentrification. This emergence is partly a manifestation of the shift in much of the Western world from a
manufacturing-based economy to a
post-industrial,
service-based economy.
Demographically speaking, Western cities are seeing a growing percentage of 25–35 year-olds in the inner-city (urban) core. Other demographic shifts are occurring as well; there is a lessening of gendered
divisions of labour, and people are waiting longer to get married and have children (c.f., the
DINK—Double Income No Kids—syndrome). Additionally, urban researchers are seeing an increase in the number of single women professionals living alone in gentrified areas.
In the
UK, ever-rising house prices have meant that many middle-class people under age 40 either inherit or can be gifted a substantial amount from a parent – enough to buy a house outright in the sort of area traditionally vulnerable to gentrification. Gentrification, as an aspect of
gender studies discourse, has not been studied extensively, but researchers have discovered that women and
gay men have had at least some impact on the gentrifying process in older, inner-city neighbourhoods. Moreover, women are seen to be gentrifying in response to different
patriarchal structures; they are seen as being potentially forced by
oppressive class relations related to their gender into moving into the inner-city, as opposed to deciding on moving there as a result of
locational preference. The breakdown of the notion of
male as breadwinner/female as domestic, as higher education becomes more accessible to women, has also contributed to the movement of single women into the inner-city.
In London, a large proportion of gentrified housing was originally built for middle class occupants, and if it was ever occupied by working class people, this mainly came about when the middle classes left for more distant suburbs between the two World Wars. In Islington, four story houses are much more common than two storey cottages.
Gentrification usually increases the
property value of an area. This is a positive development for city officials (by raising tax revenue, which is often dependent on property values), the middle class, as well as existing resident owner-occupiers. Unfortunately this same rise in property value can be devastating to those in lower income groups, when children of such residents find they can no longer afford to live in certain neighborhoods. As a result, there tend to be very strongly opposed views on gentrification, with some seeing it leading to healthier, more vibrant cities, and others seeing it as destroying poor communities. Both views would seem to be correct.
The urban bourgeoisie typically does not invade new neighborhoods in one fell swoop. In many cases, more economically marginal subgroups of "trend-setters"â€"often referred to in popular literature as "urban pioneers" (Smith 1996, 26) although that term carries with it
racist aspersions (Smith 1996, 13)â€"are the first to arrive in gentrifying areas. Although these groups may not have high incomes, their high educational or occupational status (i.e., high
cultural capital) qualify them as marginally bourgeois. In many cases, these individuals are young and live in non-family households, and thus have a higher tolerance for perceived urban ills (such as crime, poor-quality schools, lack of amenities like shops and parks, and the presence of disadvantaged racial, ethnic, or socioeconomic groups) that may dissuade middle-class families.
As the number of "trend-setters" grows, they create amenities valued by the bourgeoisie, particularly service establishments like bars, restaurants, and art galleries, residents with a similar outlook but better access to capital may follow. This group, in turn, further adds amenities and investment to the area, increases local property values, and paves the way for more risk-averse investors and residents. The first newcomers, priced out of their newly fashionable neighborhood, move on to adjacent areas, where the process can begin anew. In this theory, the classic
sector model of urban residential successionâ€"essentially that neighborhoods "trickle down" from one socioeconomic group to another, with the wealthiest residents moving linearly outward from the
CBDâ€"works in reverse, but the "invasion-succession" process proceeds in a remarkably similar fashion.
Gentrification does not require these intermediary steps, but such a succession greatly facilitates the process. In other instances, as with the London Docklands and other
CBD-adjacent urban renewal projects, or in instances of comprehensive public housing redevelopment (as at
Cabrini-Green in Chicago), government and large developers can invade the area with sufficient capital to skip the steps entirely. In still other recent instances, a
Community Development Corporation has been so successful at stabilizing an urban neighborhood that it becomes desirable for the middle class; examples include
Roxbury, Massachusetts and
Harlem, New York.
Two noted intermediary groups include artists/
hipsters and gay men. In other cities, students, lesbians, well-off retirees, and other groups have played this role.
Artists and Hipsters
The method by which an urban "
artist colony" is transformed into an affluent neighborhood has been well documented for many years. Artists (more recently nicknamed "hipsters," but also including the
hippies of earlier years) often seek out devalorized urban neighborhoods for their low prices and for their sense of authenticity or "grit" (Lloyd, 89). As the
bohemian character of the area grows, it appeals "not only to committed participants but also to sporadic consumers" (Lloyd, 104); eventually, those "sporadic" consumers edge out the earlier arrivals. Christopher Mele described the process with hippies in Manhattan's
East Village in the 1960s:
By the early 1960s, the beats' enclave of Greenwich Village had been... commercialized by middle-class onlookers... Between 1964 and 1968, dozens of specialty shops that catered to the hippies had opened along St. Mark's Place... In addition to students and hippies, the neighborhood's countercultural atmosphere attracted copywriters, editorial workers, fashion designers, and commercial artists... Although the youthful movement criticized middle-class values and lifestyles, its members, nonetheless, were of largely middle-class origin living in one of the poorest working-class districts in the city. (Mele, 159-169)
Through the 1960s and 1970s, lofts in
SoHo were converted en masse to house artists, hippies, and others (Zukin 121-3). As those neighborhoods continued to escalate in price and social status, the artists moved on to
Park Slope and
Hoboken, New Jersey, and today (and their followers, the
hipsters) to
Williamsburg, Brooklyn. Emerging areas where hipsters are being displaced to include
Bedford-Stuyvesant in Brooklyn or
Jersey City, New Jersey).
Similar examples can be found in many cities around the world with large numbers of jobs in media, fashion, and other creative trades.
* In the
Los Angeles metropolitan area, gentrification moved from
Los Feliz, adjacent to Hollywood, to
Silverlake,
Eagle Rock and
Highland Park. In
West Los Angeles, gentrification in
Santa Monica, California has shifted southward into the
Venice Beach neighborhood, long famous for its alternative culture and arts.
* In
Chicago, the 1920s artists' colony in Towertown (on the
Near North Side) steadily marched northward in the face of gentrification, first to
Old Town in the 1930s and further along the lakefront into
Lincoln Park and
Lakeview. In the 1980s, artists and musicians began moving to
Wicker Park on the west side, and in recent years have spread elsewhere, including
Pilsen and
Logan Square. This is slightly unusual, in that Lakeview, Wicker Park, and Pilsen are not adjacent to one another, and thus do not follow the
sector model of residential succession.
* In
London, the now extremely upmarket areas of
Chelsea and
Notting Hill developed in a similar manner during the 1960's and 1980's respectively. More recently,
Camden Town,
Islington and
Hoxton/
Shoreditch in the
London Borough of Hackney have followed suit.
* In
Philadelphia, the once
blue-collar neighborhood of
Fishtown is slowly transforming into an artist's enclave, due to spillover from
Northern Liberties.
* In
Birmingham,
England, the previously run-down and then lively bohemian area of
Moseley has undergone considerable gentrification in recent years. It is now one of the more expensive areas of the city in which to live. The same phenomenon has also been experienced in parts of
Bristol and
Manchester.
Gay men
Manuel Castells's seminal work on gays as "gentrifiers" in
San Francisco has revealed a pattern replicated, to some degree, in other North American cities, as "many [gays] were single men, did not have to raise a family (in urban schools of questionable quality), were young, and connected to a relatively prosperous service economy" (Castells, 1983, p. 160). Additionally, gay men (sometimes called "guppies" — Gay Urban Professionals) tend to choose inner-city neighbourhoods as places to live because of the lower cost of housing in these areas, their accessibility to jobs in the downtown core, and their proximity to gay social networks, gay business establishments, and social acceptance (which are generally found in inner-city cores) that may not be found in more conservative suburbs. One commonly heard, but untested, hypothesis is that gay men's larger disposable incomes and stereotyped status as tastemakers better enable them to "fix up" old homes and increase property values.
In
Detroit and its suburbs, this process has occurred over the last few years. The old, working class downtowns of suburbs such as
Royal Oak and
Ferndale have been replaced with vibrant, hip downtowns. Leading this charge have been gay-owned businesses, such as Pronto!, a popular restaurant/bar that caters to the gay community. Shortly after the gay community moved into downtown Royal Oak, so did the young, urban professionals that cities covet: in Royal Oak, after the gay bars went in, so did many "hip" straight bars. Today, formalizing what started in the early 1990s, Royal Oak's Downtown Development Association advertises the neighborhood as "trendy" [
1].
The PBS documentary
Flag Wars outlined the tension between an urban African-American community in the old silk stocking district of Columbus, Ohio and the mainly white gay men and lesbians moving in, who were accused of gentrification and racism. However, it's important to note that there is a problematic tendency (rooted in both racism and homophobia) to think of "gay" and "black" as being mutually exclusive. This ignores the realities of many gay black people's lives. The "there goes the neighborhood" response to gentrification is often amplified by prejudice against gays, thereby singling out gays as responsible for larger economic trends.
And gay men are in some senses a special case in a discussion of gentrification. Many are forced to avoid their towns and neighborhoods of origin because of the need to start a new life and form a new community after
coming out. Further, the observation that many gay men are single and childless should be viewed in the light of social policy (like
adoption and
marriage restrictions) that intends to keep it that way. So while economics and a desire to make good real estate investments drive some of the association of gay men with urban gentrification, so too do homophobia and social stigma.
Affordable housing
In many cases, existing residents of gentrifying neighborhoods have organized into grassroots groups to develop new strategies to retain affordable housing in their communities. In New York City, this has met with limited success, primarily because property values and rents have soared exponentially in most parts of that city's metropolitan area. In the
London Borough of Hackney in December 2005, residents occupied a local café on
Broadway Market to stop it being demolished and turned into luxury flats.
Because gentrification is such a contentious issue, it often creates a variety of sides and stakeholders that are often at odds with one another. On the one hand, gentrification helps to revitalize distressed urban communities that have experienced disinvestment and abandonment, and can often be beneficial to long-time residents of these areas. It can result in the opening of grocery stores and other services that may not have existed there previously. However, it has the added side-effect of displacement, particularly for renters.
Inclusionary zoning
Cities have responded to gentrification in different ways.
Inclusionary zoning is an increasingly popular method of stemming gentrification, employed by cities, in an attempt to create affordable housing units in urban areas. Through inclusionary zoning, developers are either required or provided with incentives (such as higher build-outs) to develop a certain percentage of affordable housing units. Because inclusionary zoning is such a relatively new concept, there have been few studies regarding its effect on limiting gentrification.
Since gentrification is exacerbated by speculation in land prices, removing land from the open market can effectively keep property prices from rising and thereby prevent displacement. The most common formal mechanism for doing so is a community
land trust; many
inclusionary zoning ordinances are now written to place the "inclusionary" units into a land trust. Many linguistically isolated urban neighborhoods are able to keep out speculators informally, simply by not advertising available properties on the open (primary language) market and instead trading properties only by word of mouth.
In response to gentrification pressure, some cities pass
rent control ordinances. While rent control allows existing tenants to remain, it doesn't directly affect the overall increase in underlying property prices. For example, the formerly downscale southwestern section of
Santa Monica, California and the eastern section of
West Hollywood, California became more gentrified despite rent control. However, this is partly due to statewide changes to the law that eventually forbade extending rent control prices from one tenancy to the subsequent tenancy. Since many other forms of rent control also allow landlords to set higher prices for newer residents while forcing them to keep prices low for long-time residents, this may have the unintended consequence of actually providing a policy incentive for gentrification, and for landlords to rent to residents they hope will leave sooner. Another unintended consequence is
landlord harassment, where the owner or manager of a property makes living conditions uncomfortable for long-term residents in the hope that they will vacate voluntarily, thus avoiding costly legal expenses. On the other hand, without rent control, a neighborhood undergoing gentrification might change even more rapidly because landlords could quickly raise rents on long-time residents and thereby rapidly displace them from the neighborhood. Some evidence exists to demonstrate that the 1994 abolition of rent control in
Boston, Massachusetts and some surrounding suburbs (via statewide ballot) sped up gentrification in that area, although strong economic growth in the following years is probably a large factor.
Sharon Zukin refers to a somewhat contradictory "Artistic Mode of Production" wherein patrician capital seeks to revalorize (that is, gentrify) urban space through the recruitment and retention of artists; that is, by subtle and overt means of encouraging artists to occupy, say, former industrial facilities (1989, 176). This has been taken by some cities as advice. In
UK cities like
Newcastle-upon-Tyne and
Liverpool, the actions of regional development agencies, in tandem with private speculators, have attempted to artificially stimulate the process of gentrification. Property developers have also noticed that taking a building they eventually wish to re-develop and offering it cheaply to artists for a few years can impart a 'hip' feel to the surrounding area.
*Booza, Jason, Cutsinger, Jackie, and Galster, George. "Where Did They Go? The Decline of Middle-Income Neighborhoods in Metropolitan America."
Brookings Institution, July 28, 2006. [
2]
*Cash, Stephanie. "Landlords put a squeeze on Brooklyn artists." Art in America v. 89 (3), pp. 39-40.
*Castells, M. (1983) "Cultural identity, sexual liberation and urban structure: the gay community in San Francisco" in M. Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Edward Arnold, London) pp. 138–170.
*Friedman, John. "The world-city hypothesis." From World Cities in a World-System, Paul L. Knox and Peter J. Taylor (eds), Cambridge UP, 1995, pp. 317-331. (originally published 1986)
*Hamnett, Chris. "The blind men and the elephant: the explanation of gentrification." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 1991, v. 16, pp. 173-189.
*Hamnett, Chris. "Gentrifiers or lemmings? A response to Neil Smith." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 1992, v. 17, pp 116-119.
*Knox, Paul L. "The restless urban landscape: Economic and Sociocultural change and the transformation of metropolitan Washington, DC." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 1991, v. 81, pp. 181-209.
*Ley, David. "Alternative explanations for inner-city gentrification: a Canadian assessment." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 1986, v. 76, pp. 521-535.
*Ley, David. "Gentrification and the politics of the new middle class." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 1994, v. 12, pp. 53-74.
*Ley, David. "Reply: the rent-gap revisited." Annals of the Association of the American Geographers 1987, v. 77, pp. 465-468.
*Lloyd, Richard.
Neo-Bohemia. Routledge, 2006. ISBN 0415951828
*Mele, Christopher.
Selling the Lower East Side. Univ of Minnesota, 2000. ISBN 0816631824
*Moore, Keith. "From redline to renaissance." Salon.com, August 2, 1999. http://www.salon.com/news/feature/1999/08/02/harlem/print.html.
*Papayis, Marilyn Adler. "Sex and the revanchist city: zoning out pornography in New York." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2000, v. 18, pp. 341-353.
*Rose, Demaris. "Rethinking gentrification: beyond the uneven development of marxist theory." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 1984, v. 2, pp. 47-74.
*Sassen, Saskia. "On concentration and centrality in the global city." From World Cities in a World-System, Paul L. Knox and Peter J. Taylor (eds), Cambridge UP, 1995 pp. 63-75.
*Smith, N. (1987) "Gentrification and the rent-gap", Annals of the Association of American Geographers 77 (3) pp. 462–465.
*Smith, N. (1996) The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City. (Routledge, London)
*Zukin, Sharon.
Loft Living. Rutgers UP, 1989. ISBN 0813513898 (originally published 1982)
*
Urban renewal*
Planned shrinkage* The song District Divided by
metalcore band
Darkest Hour deals with the gentrification of Washington, D.C.
*
Understanding Gentrification from the
City of Port Phillip official website
*
Website for the community occupation of Francesca's Café 34 Broadway Market fighting gentrification in South Hackney
*
Flag Wars Detailed documentary about Ohio gentrification in
Columbus, detailing conflicts of race and homophobia
*
Gentrification Web - very detailed resource from which a lot of this discussion about gentrification seems to have been taken!
